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What you think to be right at the moment is right for you. And what you think to be wrong at the moment is wrong for you. It does not mean that what another person says is wrong for you is wrong, or that what another person says is right for you is right. The real basis is what you are thinking yourself at the moment. Never for one moment think that those who do wrong believe it to be right. It is not true; they do not believe it. They know it is wrong and yet they do it, out of weakness, lack of power, or lack of discrimination.
They are not clear in their minds. There are not many who do wrong thinking that it is right. But the one, who thinks that it www. Thus, keeping India diverted from the urgent task of nation-building by periodic incidents at the LAC could well be the Chinese way of keeping this country on tenterhooks.
How to counter this Chinese strategy on the disputed border is another headache for the Modi government. But one thing is clear. While party vicepresident Rahul Gandhi disappears from the scene for weeks on end, with not even his close aides knowing his whereabouts, Sonia Gandhi refuses to make herself available easily to party men who desperately seek her intervention to resolve ticklish problems.
As a result, there is utter confusion in the Congress, with Right attitude is right today, may tomorrow think that it is wrong. Well then, tomorrow it will be wrong, though it is right today. Therefore whatever people think about it, whether they think it right or wrong, one end of every impulse is in the heart of God.
It is the spark that manifests in the heart of God first. Then it manifests outwardly. The recent removal of Manish Tiwari and a couple of others from the panel of party spokespersons was a case in point. Ajay Maken, in charge of the media cell, removed Tiwari believing that it would please the Gandhis, though there was no way of knowing how the latter felt.
If the truth be told, Maken suffers from an inferiority complex, specially when Tiwari is reluctant to be deferential to him even though he was the head of the media cell. Besides, Tiwari is far more articulate, far more clever than Maken while pitching for the Congress Party on the nightly television shows. So when Tiwari took a stand slightly different from that of the party on a court-related issue, Maken seized the alleged lapse and removed Tiwari from the panel of party spokespersons.
This would not have happened had the Gandhis not played the absentee landlords of the party owned by them. Stilted news and views continue N OT much has changed in the government-controlled media. The AIR has a new boss alright, but there is no change in the selection and delivery of news at all.
Archana Dutta, head, AIR, News, was earlier attached with the former President Pratibha Patil and in that capacity had used the opportunity to see the world. But the cake is taken by the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha television channels. These continue to spew propaganda against the Modi Government. This being the cynicism of the state-owned media, how can Modi expect ordinary people to keep faith in his policies and programmes?
He cannot imagine what God means by every action that takes place. In the Quran it is said that there is not one atom that moves without the command of God. All things are wrong or right, perfect or imperfect from our point of view. But our point of view is a narrow, small, limited point of view; we see and hear according to our eyes and ears; our ears cannot hear more than they can, our eyes cannot see farther than they can.
As individuals we have a certain responsibility, towards ourselves and towards others. And since the idea of justice and of what is right is given to us, we are responsible for acting in accordance with that idea. It may be that tomorrow there will be a greater light given to us so that we shall act still better. And in this way, by acting thus every day, we shall prove a better instrument for the work of God. Jayalalithaa has been involved in corrupt activities for many years and has betrayed the faith and trust of the people of Tamil Nadu.
The fine must be recovered by selling her assets, she must be disqualified from her post under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The people of Tamil Nadu, whose money she has swallowed, must see to it that she languishes in the jail for the next four years. The higher courts must reject her appeal and uphold the order of the lower court and send her to jail to serve her sentence. This should be an example for others who have misused their position and office for their own personal gain and lowered the image of the country.
I am very sceptical whether justice was done. The judgment was originally scheduled for the September 20 but was postponed to September What happened in the intervening period? The judge has been unnecessarily harsh to the CM and makes one wonder whether everyone other than Jayalalithaa are saints. Karnataka has won. It has got the most vocal of the Cauvery issue behind bars.
The previous CM, Karunanidhi, will bartereverything for his family. The judge, by one of his actions, has ensured that TN slips back which should be a happy moment for its neighbours. For the CM of a well-governed state to be sentenced by Karnataka for corrupt practices is an irony. It is also sad that Karunanidhi still roams free when his corruption is much more. Iron lady Jayalalithaa can make a forceful comeback and teach a lesson or two to her tormentors. Had Jayalithaa been a Congress Chief Minister then she must have been saved by the judge.
Let us celebrate and rejoice rather than playing blame games at this juncture. That, too, in its maiden attempt. India has taken the world by storm. And it has became a member of the elite club by virtue of its sterling performance. The critics of the Mangalyaan spacecraft should realise that the investment made in space technology is not wasteful expenditure as science and technology contributes a lot in promoting rapid economic development of the country which will benefit all, rich and poor alike, in the long run.
After all, it is an ani- was more on predictable lines as mal, not having sensibility and un- they had the anti-incumbency facderstanding power as much as a tor to counter. BJP, amongst all the man. If the onlookers would not prominent parties in the fray, is rehave pelted stones at it, the latter ally the different one.
The and MNS, have their CM candidates guard did not think to frighten the in placem while BJP boasts off havanimal with the sound of gun fire, ing five Under all the aforesaid circumstances, the innocent and rare white Four-corner fight IT is learnt with huge concern that the state Chief Minister, Prithviraj Chavan had to step down due to the severance of the Congress—NCP alliance which lasted for the last 15 consecutive years.
As is gathered from the media, it is apparent that the split was caused because of the selfish attitude and the vested interests of some of the top leaders of the NCP, as the CM was not acceding to their requests meant for achieving their personal goals. At the other end, the alliance of the Sena- BJP broke, too, after a long spell, thereby rendering a dicey situation for the state electorate.
In fact, we are left wondering about the next leader The tiger and the victim at the Delhi zoo. On the fight coming up this election. What one recently witnessed in the build up to the Maharashtra Assembly elections was unthinkable some time back.
It is a part of the top ten healthiest destinations to visit in India and is home to great art and culture. When you visit Chennai, do not miss out on Fort St George. Also visit Marina and Breeze beaches and then head to Covelong, a small fishing village where you can relax by the sea.
Chennai is not packed with activities, but it is a great place to get a little peace of mind. You can also visit the Nanmangalam Reseve Forest, where walks are organised through the year. The Pondy Bazaar is a good place to stop by and at Golden Street you can buy silver, diamond, gold and platinum at terrific prices. The city is home to several national parks and Pal- likarani marsh, as well as the back- passion, panache and pizzazz.
May waters, where you can relax among his noble soul rest in peace. Shri Srinivas was unmistakably a child prodigy. Even at a young age he represented India in many international music festivals. His dexterity, speed and effortless ease attracted thousands of music lovers not only interested in Carnatic music, but also in other styles of music.
His programmes at the Shanmukananda Hall in Mumbai was always jam packed and in his early days he once almost missed the train to Chennai when he obliged his fans by playing their favourite songs at an auditorium! The Mozart of Mandolin is no more. It was a landmark achievement. We should be proud of our scientists on this historic occasion, instead of trying to get political mileage as pointed out by the Congress spokesperson.
India and the world learnt about the Mangalyaan entering the orbit of Mars from the CDSCC centre which was capturing signals from the unmanned spacecraft. Manmohan Singh has had little respect for the Apex Court in the past and had not spared any effort to discreetly keep his chair in tact, not minding the huge losses to the economy. Can there be anything more unethical? He was an actor par excellence with his characteristic head shake, bigcollar shirts and loose-limb walks.
There have been many film-heroes, there are quite few now and there will be several in the years to come but there will be only one Dev Anand in the heart of the nation! He has left behind a treasure of memorable films containing songs which have found a permanent place in the heart of cine lovers. After independence, migrants from rural areas poured into the cities looking for jobs. Not only did the city become synonymous with employment, wealth, and excitement, it also became a site of exploitation, crime, and danger.
Some filmmakers focused on the harshness of urban life in their films and depicted the seamier side of the city by having petty thieves or other criminal elements as central characters. Even in such crime thrillers, there was an optimism about the possibility of a better life in the future. This general sense of idealism and anticipation of a better tomorrow was the dominant attitude in films from this period. Problems facing protagonists were represented as social and economic rather than political ones.
Moneylenders, zamindars rural landlords , and wealthy businessman were the typical antagonist or villain in many films, while peasants, the urban working class, and middle-class professionals were the heroes. The state was represented as benevolent as an arbiter of justice and agent of progress. In films focusing more on family dynamics and relationships, generation gaps and traditional attitudes were presented as sources of conflict.
This period also saw the proliferation of patriotic films in the wake of independence from colonial rule and subsequent wars with Pakistan and China. Akin to state discourses about national integration, which sought to unify a vast and diverse population under the category of Indian, films from this period emphasized the unity of the Indian nation despite its tremendous religious, linguistic, ethnic, and regional diversity.
While this emphasis on constructing a national identity has continued throughout subsequent decades, the representation of the state, hero, and villain has changed considerably since this period. The crisis of the state: Hindi cinema in the s By the early s, the optimism and hope of a better life in an independent India began to wane. The cost of the war with Pakistan in 97 leading to the creation of Bangladesh , the burden of refugee relief, acute droughts in and , and the world energy crisis in , led to severe economic difficulties with food shortages and spiraling inflation.
The state s attempts to control food distribution and prices resulted in large-scale hoarding and a major black market in food. The deepening economic problems were accompanied by an increase in political unrest as people took to the streets in wide-scale demonstrations and protests. Universities were closed for weeks at a time due to disturbances and unions increasingly went on strike. The number of riots and incidents of violence, especially state-perpetrated, increased steadily every year and by the mids, articles about the police firing into crowds or charging into them with sticks somewhere in the country appeared almost daily in newspapers.
While elections in 97 brought Prime Minister Indira Gandhi back to power with a commanding majority, problems soon began as she did not have a clear economic program. In the summer of when Indira Gandhi was found guilty of election-code violations regarding her 97 election campaign and the Congress party lost badly in the state assembly elections in Gujarat, opposition parties and several national newspapers called for Gandhi s resignation as did some members of her own party.
After a major rally was held in New Delhi protesting Gandhi s continued presence in office, a state of emergency was proclaimed by the President on Gandhi s behest on June 26, Arrests were often arbitrary and people were not advised of the charges against them, nor were the police required to inform judicial authorities of the reasons for arrest. The press was rigidly censored and newspapers were barred from publishing the names of those arrested.
Incidents of torture and even murder occurred in jails. In addition to political arrests, those placed under detention included bad characters and antisocial elements like smugglers, hoarders, and black marketeers. Indira Gandhi s son, Sanjay, oversaw a national population policy involving the forced sterilization of millions of mostly poor men and women. He also initiated urban beautification projects, which involved demolishing poor neighborhoods and clearing slums, thereby displacing thousands of people.
As increasing authority was invested in the Prime Minister during this period, Gandhi tried to justify her actions by casting herself as India s savior. During this period, she announced her Point Economic Programme using the unprecedented powers of her government to promise land reform, houses for landless laborers, the abolition of bonded labor, the liquidation of rural debt, cheaper prices, higher agricultural wages, increased production and employment, the socialization of urban land, a crackdown on tax evasion, the confiscation of smuggled property, and cheaper textbooks.
Gandhi presented the Emergency as the requisite shock treatment to get Indian democracy back on track. Since she had effectively quelled dissent, she was completely ignorant of the political climate when she optimistically called for national elections in March She and the Congress Party suffered a crushing defeat when a coalition of opposition parties won of the seats in Parliament. A new government was formed and the Emergency was withdrawn soon after.
A major raw stock shortage ensued in when the government imposed a percent import duty on raw stock. Imports of raw stock had already been drastically reduced in 96 by government mandate, and the industry s trade journals between and were filled with discussions about the raw stock crisis and its affect on filmmaking, especially the uncertainty of new releases. In August , the Minister of Information and Broadcasting informed leaders of the film industry that as long as Kodak did not come forward with a fair proposal for manufacturing raw stock in India, Eastman Kodak color positive would only be available for prints meant for export and not for domestic use.
The following month the outright ban on Kodak positive was relaxed and the government issued a license for importing Kodak raw stock until March However, in order to receive an allotment of raw stock, producers had to apply for a permit, which due to bureaucratic red tape was difficult to obtain, thus leading to a black market in raw stock. In addition to the raw stock crisis, the film industry was also concerned about rumors that the government was going to nationalize film distribution as it had nationalized banks and other key industries.
However, this never took place. One of the most significant changes in Hindi cinema emerged in this turbulent era. In , the tremendous success of Zanjeer Chain , a film about a police officer played by Amitabh Bachchan who works outside the bounds of the law, introduced the figure of the angry young man, which completely changed the persona of the hero in Hindi cinema. Zanjeer s success was particularly striking because it came at a time when the reigning superstar Rajesh Khanna see chapter 3 had achieved his success by playing soft, vulnerable, mostly middle-class characters in musical romances devoid of violence or action.
Films in this period became markedly violent and shifted their focus from the family and domestic domain to that of the state, 44 0 0 society and the streets. The state was frequently depicted as ineffectual in solving problems like crime, unemployment, and poverty.
The inability of the law to deliver justice became more pronounced in films of this period and vigilante justice was valorized. Villains in films of this era were mainly smugglers and black marketeers who frequently posed as wealthy, respectable businessmen. By the s, corrupt politicians became the main source of villainy in films and frequently the only legitimate representative of the state was the police. Another dominant narrative trend which began in the s but intensified in the s and continued through the s was the lost and found genre.
These films depict a nuclear family or a subset like siblings being separated lost in childhood due to traumatic circumstances frequently set in motion by the villain. The family is eventually reunited found after the children have become adults and defeated the people and circumstances responsible for the initial separation. This particular genre was very popular throughout the period and the traumatic separation of the family can be interpreted as an oblique reference to the traumas of Partition, experienced barely three decades earlier, where thousands of families were separated, and many not so successfully reunited.
The emphasis on family and the primacy of kinship has been a significant feature of Hindi film narratives throughout the decades. Family relationships provide the basis of much of the moral dilemmas and conflicts depicted in Hindi cinema. The depiction of the family, however, changed dramatically in the s. Economic conditions reached a low point in during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August, as remittances from Indian workers in the Gulf, which formed a significant portion of India s foreign exchange earnings, decreased drastically.
The invasion and ensuing war also led to a sharp increase in the price of crude oil. The reduction in remittances combined with an increase in oil prices exacerbated the problem of India s foreign currency reserves and a default on international loans and payments seemed imminent.
In 99, the Indian government received two loans from the International Monetary Fund IMF , which were accompanied by conditions regarding the control and reduction of the budget deficit as well as implementation of structural reforms of the economy. Radical changes were sought in the economy: devaluing the currency to make exports competitive, 22 relaxing import restrictions and import duties, reducing subsidies for certain sectors and industries, abolishing the industrial licensing system, relaxing rules for foreign investment, regarding technological collaborations as essential for economic growth, removing restrictions on large private companies, reducing the emphasis on state-owned enterprises in economic planning, and generally reducing the regulations around economic activity to make it easier to start new ventures.
As the U. Since 99, state economic policy has increasingly catered to and focused on urban, middle-class consumers, to the detriment of the majority of Indian society who have no use for commodities such as automobiles, cosmetics, electronics, household appliances, and 46 0 0 0 soft drinks when their basic needs of food, water, sanitation, shelter, primary education, and healthcare have not been met.
The liberalization of the economy set the stage for the entry of satellite television by reducing red tape and providing more incentives for multinational companies to set up their operations in India. Satellite broadcasting radically changed the nature of Indian television.
Television did not become significant in India until the mid s. The first telecast began in September as a pilot UNESCO-sponsored educational project, and the initial range of transmission was only 40 kilometers. Educational programs were broadcast for 20 minutes twice a week beginning in 96, and throughout the s, various pilot projects oriented around education were attempted, but there was no systematic program of television broadcasting.
It was not until with the formation of Doordarshan, the state-owned single-channel network, that television programming was broadcast to a wider but relatively small audience. Color broadcasting as well as national transmission via low-power transmitters and satellite began in when India hosted the Asiad games. Commercial sponsorship of programs began in as did the first major expansion of Doordarshan s network.
Cable began unofficially in India in , originally spreading through tourist hotels, then apartment blocks, and finally individual households. At first the cable networks were fed by videocassette players, linked centrally to the cable network. The rapid spread of this unauthorized cable network with satellite access was one of the main reasons for the changes that occurred in the Indian television landscape in the s.
Since the entry of satellite television, Hindi filmmakers have been operating in a very different media landscape where a vast array of options, including films, is available to viewers at home. Although the Bombay film industry initially perceived the new channels as a threat, the industry has settled into a symbiotic relationship with satellite television.
These channels offer filmmakers new avenues to publicize, promote, and market their films and serve as another source of revenue since they are willing to pay large sums for the telecast rights of popular films. Many of the satellite channels are hugely dependent on Hindi films, film music, film industry news, celebrity gossip, film awards shows and stage shows featuring film stars for a steady diet of programming. Even MTV, the symbol of global youth culture, is heavily reliant on Hindi film music and stars for the bulk of its programming in India.
Rather than diminishing the presence of films in popular culture, satellite television is reinforcing the dominance of Hindi cinema and its stars in the Indian media landscape. However, Hindi filmmakers acknowledge that they face competition from television as a rival outlet for films, and with the increasing popularity of certain prime-time game shows and soap operas, as an alternative source of entertainment. An attendant problem is that of cable piracy which is rampant and goes mostly unpunished, except for periodic police crackdowns on cable operators usually after a huge public protest by the film industry.
Many cable channels frequently show pirated versions of newly released films at the same time that they open in theaters or sometimes even before their release date! Cable channels, unlike satellite channels, are locally-oriented, frequently serving a single locality or cluster of neighborhoods. The cable operator simply plays a videocassette or video disc of a film that is transmitted to all of the households connected to the particular cable network.
One has to work hard to entice audiences into movie theaters, as so many factors work to keep them at home. For a family of modest means, seeing a movie in a theater is less affordable than watching a movie on video or television. Additionally, producers cite the traffic congestion in large cities, and the poor conditions of theaters in smaller areas as factors that make the theater-going experience more of a chore than a pleasure for audiences.
In order to entice audiences into theaters, filmmakers have been spending a great deal of money and effort to project a cinematic experience and spectacle unavailable on television. Since the mid s Hindi films have vastly improved production values that include digital sound, foreign locations, extravagant song sequences, and lavish sets. Salaries have increased dramatically for stars, directors, and technicians, and distributors are willing to pay previously unheard of amounts for distribution rights.
Filmmakers have also started paying much greater attention to the marketing and promotion of their films before and after their release, and since , have been using the Internet as another venue to promote their films. The dramatic increase in budgets since the s generates the potential for greater profits as well as the risk of greater losses, leading to the near disappearance of the average-earning film.
The changes precipitated by the liberalization of the Indian economy have also facilitated the growing internationalization of the production and distribution of Hindi films. Filmmakers are increasingly shooting a significant portion of their films in Africa, Australia, Europe, and North America.
While Hindi films have been circulating internationally since the s, and have been popular among African, Eastern European, Arab, and Central Asian audiences for many decades, only recently have Bombay filmmakers been able to reap revenues from the international circulation of their films. Vikram Bhatt, in New York City s Times Square Tejaswini Ganti, London, creating websites to promote their films, dubbing films into English, Spanish, and French, and subtitling them in English, Hebrew, and Japanese in order to expand their markets to include areas without significant South Asian diasporic populations.
Hindi films have become a visible part of the media landscape in the West as evidenced by the premieres of films in prestigious international film festivals like Cannes, Venice, and Toronto; the screenings of films in mainstream cinemas such as London s Leicester Square, New York s Times Square, and even the IMAX in Indianapolis; the nomination of Lagaan see chapter 4 for an Academy Award in the Best Foreign Film category in ; and the release of films like Baz Luhrmann s Moulin Rouge, Terry Zwigoff s Ghost World, and Lars von Trier s Dancer in the Dark which explicitly reference popular Hindi cinema.
While Hindi films had a theatrical presence in the U. However, the s witnessed a world-wide boom for Hindi cinema with theaters springing up to screen Hindi films in places as far-flung as Singapore, Moscow, London, and Toronto. The box-office success of Hindi films places them regularly in the U. The success of Hindi cinema outside of India highlights the growing significance of the South Asian diaspora as a market for the Bombay film industry.
This discussion was connected to the dominance of the genre of family entertainers love stories filled with songs, dances, elaborate cultural spectacles like weddings, set against the backdrop of extremely wealthy, extended, and frequently transnational, families within the film industry from when the phenomenal box-office successes of Hum Aapke Hain Koun!
What Do I Mean to You! The Indian press castigated Bombay filmmakers for their lack of initiative and imagination and diasporic audiences for their nostalgic and narrow taste in Hindi cinema. Films in the post-satellite era have been markedly different from their predecessors in terms of themes and content as well. The most apparent contrast between the successful films from this era and earlier Hindi films focusing on families and romance is the nearly complete erasure of class difference and the focus on wealth.
All signs of poverty, economic hardship, or struggle have been eliminated from these films and rather than being working class or lower middle class as they were in earlier films, the protagonists are incredibly rich usually the sons and daughters of millionaires. In the rare instance that a working-class protagonist is depicted, he is usually the source of tension or problem in the film.
Another notable difference from earlier films is the lack of a villain and therefore the absence of the state and its representatives police officers, judges, etc. Whereas wealthy businessmen were frequently the symbol of exploitation, injustice, and even criminality in Hindi films from the s 80s, by the mids they were depicted as benign, loving, and indulgent fathers. While in the past love stories often had class difference as the source of parental disapproval and therefore conflict, contemporary love stories feature protagonists of the same class background.
With class difference removed, the source of dramatic tension and narrative conflict is internalized and centers on the conflict between individual desire and duty to one s family. The plot manifestations of this conflict either involve a love triangle or strict parents who eventually yield to their child s choice of partner.
In earlier love stories, youthful rebellion was the norm; young lovers ran away together. However, since the mids, the theme of compliant lovers willing to sacrifice their love for the sake of family honor and harmony has become 52 0 0 0 dominant.
The hero and heroine s passivity and obeisance to patriarchal norms of honor and notions of filial duty illustrate the essentially conservative outlook of many contemporary Hindi films, regardless of their cosmopolitan and MTV-inspired visual style. These family entertainers present a commodified Indian identity arising from a specific North Indian, Hindu cultural milieu and based on stereotypes about the joint family. Two other thematic trends prevalent since the late s have continued trends initiated in previous eras.
The first is a fascination with depicting the world of organized crime and gangsters, which has had a long history in Hindi cinema. The representations of mafia bosses and their gangs have changed from the glamorized, Westernized, and sanitized representations of earlier Hindi films to the grittier and more ethnically and regionally specific portrayals of the s. Many films present a milieu specific to Bombay, notably in the use of slang and street dialect particular to the city.
Earlier films went to some effort to depict how the protagonist fell into a life of crime, usually arising out of dire circumstances and sheer desperation. Contemporary films are more matter of fact and do not offer elaborate moral justifications or rationalizations. Whereas in older films, characters turned to a life of crime for basic survival when all other avenues of employment were exhausted, recent films represent organized crime as a pragmatic employment choice for poor and working-class men that enables them to participate in the luxury and consumerist lifestyle available in post-liberalization India.
The second trend is the upsurge of nationalism in films. While patriotism and displays of nationalism have been a staple of Hindi films since Indian independence, contemporary films have changed their mode of depicting intense nationalist feeling. Nationalism is a discourse of contrasts and boundaries, between insiders and outsiders, citizens and foreigners. Past villains were either Europeans or westernized Indians, but since the mids the definitive villainous figure is the terrorist.
Films about terrorism which began in the late s increased in the s, as separatist insurgencies intensified, and bomb blasts, religious riots, high level kidnappings, and hijackings became increasingly common in contemporary India. The nation is now represented as under siege from acts of war or terrorism and its saviors are the military, paramilitary, or policemen.
A significant difference from earlier films depicting external threats to the nation is that since , with the release of Border dir. Dutta , filmmakers have been able to explicitly name Pakistan as the enemy and instigator of India s troubles. Prior to this film, even war films were not able to name an enemy or opponent because the censor guideline that friendly relations with foreign States are not strained Ministry of Information and Broadcasting was invoked to make filmmakers excise any references to specific countries.
Border, which is about a specific battle during the 97 war between India and Pakistan, was the first war movie that was able to make explicit reference to Pakistan rather than the oblique references used in the past over there or the enemy. While the censor guidelines have not changed, the political climate has, with the more aggressively nationalist and hawkish toward Pakistan Bharatiya Janata Party BJP growing in power.
The director s argument that his film was based on historical events and not being able to name the enemy would compromise the authenticity of his war film was accepted and paved the way for a plethora of films valorizing the military and their campaigns to protect the nation.
Therefore, nationalism is no longer depicted through a simple East West dichotomy. The West and its materialist culture are not represented as evil or threatening and do not serve as a foil for the Indian protagonist s moral and cultural superiority. In fact since the mids, Hindi films have frequently represented Indians living 54 0 0 0 abroad as more traditional and culturally authentic than their counterparts in India.
While earlier Hindi films used characters of Indians living abroad for comic relief or as villains, many contemporary Hindi films have diasporic Indians as their protagonists and are set almost entirely in countries like Australia, Canada, England, or the U.
Thus an authentic Indian identity represented by religious ritual, elaborate weddings, large extended families, respect for parental authority, adherence to norms of female modesty, injunctions against premarital sex, and intense pride and love for India is mobile and not tied to geography. Therefore, from the point of view of the national leadership after independence, filmmaking was seen as having escaped the effects of colonialism unlike other artistic and performance traditions that had suffered greatly.
In fact, the popularity of films and their music was viewed as a threat to novelists, painters, classical singers and dancers, and folk performers. A myriad of ministries, academies, and institutes were established shortly after independence to deal with the visual, performing, and literary arts, and in an effort to revive and support the traditional arts and high culture, the Indian state excluded cinema from these categories and placed it under the purview of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting rather than the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.
Unlike the U. Rather than thinking of the dominant mode of filmmaking as aiding the economic development of India, state policies of taxation and licensing accorded it the status of a vice. The level of taxation on cinema is akin to those imposed on vices like gambling and horse racing. The bulk of taxation is the entertainment tax, a form of sales tax ranging from percent, levied by individual state governments on box-office revenues, which transfers a significant portion of the industry s earnings into state exchequers.
Most state governments protect their state language film industries and subject films in languages other than their official language to higher rates of entertainment tax. Since Hindi films are the only Indian films distributed nationally, they are the ones which bear the brunt of such taxation. See Table. What differentiates the Hindi film industry from film industries in other regional Indian languages is that it does not have recourse to a regional state apparatus that promotes its interests.
Other states promote filmmaking of their respective languages by offering incentives and subsidies whereas Hindi films are not identified with any one particular state and are thus in Bombay filmmakers terms, motherless and fatherless with respect to any regional state apparatus. This orphan status can be understood as one of the factors that contribute to the national character of Hindi films and the film industry.
For many years, the Hindi film industry has put forward its list of demands to the Finance Minister before the annual budget is drawn up, asking for certain concessions. These demands include the reduction or removal of import duty on raw stock since raw stock is not produced in India, and hence no domestic industry is being protected via import duties.
Another longstanding demand has been the exemption of filmmakers export earnings from income tax; currently the exemption only applies to corporations that export goods and since production companies are mostly limited partnerships or proprietary concerns, they are not eligible for such exemptions.
The most contentious issue between the film industry and the state at the regional level has been the entertainment tax, and each year filmmakers recommend to the central government that either the entertainment tax be reduced, standardized it varies from state to state or abolished altogether. The roots of the Indian state s antipathy toward cinema can be found in the attitudes of nationalist leaders like M.
While Phalke was explicitly nationalist in his motivation for making films he wanted to create Indian images for Indian audiences and establish a completely indigenous or swadeshi 27 industry the Indian National Congress INC , one of the main organizations fighting against British colonial rule, did not accord the medium much importance. Most leaders viewed the cinema as low and vulgar entertainment, popular with the uneducated masses. One of the reasons why the INC did not regard film as an important tool in its mobilizing and organizing efforts had to do with Gandhi s antipathy toward cinema, which possibly stemmed from its being an imported rather than indigenous technology.
Gandhi declared many times that he had never seen a single film and compared cinema with other vices such as betting, gambling, and horse racing Das Sharma When the Indian Cinematograph Committee was conducting its exhaustive study of filmmaking and film viewing in India in , it sent a questionnaire to Gandhi asking him his views about the state of cinema in India. His letter dated November 2, , states, Even if I was so minded, I should be unfit to answer your questionnaire as I have never been to a cinema.
But even to an outsider the evil it has done and is doing is patent. The good if it has done at all, remains to be proved. In a message to the Indian Motion Picture Congress held in Bombay in , Nehru states, I am far from satisfied at the quality of work that has been done. Motion pictures have become an essential part of modern life and they can be used with great advantage for educational purposes.
So far greater stress 58 0 0 0 has been laid on a type of film which presumably is supposed to be entertaining, but the standard or quality of which is not high. I hope that the industry will consider now in terms of meeting the standards and of aiming at producing high class films which have educational and social values.
Such films should receive the help and cooperation of not only the public, but also of the State. He assessed the present as deficient and hoped for better films in the future. Both Gandhi s view of cinema as corrupting, and Nehru s view of film as a tool for modernization have crucially shaped state policy and rhetoric toward cinema in independent India.
Gandhi s moralism and nativism and Nehru s internationalism and modernism are present in prohibitive policies such as censorship and taxation and in developmental policies that established a cultural and cinematic bureaucracy to counter the dominance of the commercially oriented film industries.
Cinema, therefore, has played an important role in state discourses about development, nationhood, and modernity in postindependence India. Although television plays an important role in these debates as the state had invested in television specifically for pedagogical and modernization purposes, cinema has existed and flourished in India as a mass medium for a much longer period over a century and is woven into the fabric of urban life to such an extent that it seems ubiquitous, and unlike television, is not statecontrolled.
Cinema has been an object of government regulation in India since the colonial period through censorship, taxation, allocation of raw materials, and control over exhibition through the licensing of theaters. Cinema has also been a problem warranting the attention of a number of government commissions, inquiries, and symposia in independent India.
A striking characteristic of this state-generated discourse about cinema is the intense ambivalence a complex mixture of pride, disdain, hope, and fear expressed toward films and filmmaking. The dominant tone about the Bombay film industry and filmmaking in general is that most films produced in India are escapist, frivolous, formulaic; for mere entertainment and not meaningful or artistic enough.
The statement that Films are too important to be left to filmmakers alone, made by a former Director of the Indian Institute of Mass Communication, 29 best encapsulates official attitudes toward the medium of cinema. In this strand of discourse, the pedagogical potential of film as a medium of communication and thus as a tool for modernization and socio-economic development has not been adequately realized since filmmaking is mainly in the hands of profiteers rather than artists or socially conscious individuals.
Elected officials and bureaucrats throughout the decades have been exhorting filmmakers to make socially relevant films which will uplift the masses. The Indian state s concern with socially relevant cinema is connected to its very simplistic, top-down understanding of media effects and influence. From the state s point of view, cinema, and audio-visual media in general, can directly influence behavior and shape attitudes.
Therefore, a film is judged good or bad according to the perceived positive or negative effects its main theme may cause in viewers, and thus in society. Hence, much of the discussion about film in India communicates that it is a very powerful tool that can either be used for the greater good, or can be very dangerous in the wrong hands. It then becomes the state s responsibility to ensure the production of films that engender positive effects in society, i.
This perspective provides the continued justification for film censorship. Though filmmaking in India is a private enterprise, in order to have a theatrical release, films have to be cleared and rated by the Central Board of Film Censors a practice initiated by the British where any allusion to self-governance, the Indian nationalist movement, or Indian independence was heavily censored by the colonial authorities. Anxiety about the impact of the medium as well as distrust of filmmakers intentions results in a continuous effort on the part of the Indian state to discipline and regulate films, filmmaking, and filmmakers.
In an attempt to foster good cinema and counter the dominant mode of filmmaking as represented by the Bombay industry the Indian state has established a vast cinematic bureaucracy. The NFDC s main task is to finance and produce low budget films of high artistic content Dayal It is also responsible for developing distribution and exhibition facilities for films, providing loans for the construction of theaters, encouraging film cooperatives, developing subtitling facilities, importing and exporting films, and coordinating the development projects of the individual state governments and film corporations Dayal While the NFDC has been relatively successful in producing films financing 49 feature films and 57 documentaries within five years of its founding, including coproducing the Academy Award winning Gandhi it has never fulfilled its promises of developing an alternative distribution and exhibition network.
It built only a handful of theaters in Bombay, Delhi and Calcutta, and thus many of its films have remained unexhibited. High artistic content and serious filmmaking have been defined primarily by the rejection of the aesthetic, generic, and production conventions of Bombay cinema, and a movement began in the early s known as the New Indian cinema. There were two widely noted influences for this group of directors: the Italian neorealist movement and the earlier art film directors such as Satyajit Ray, Mrinal Sen, and Ritwik Ghatak who were working in Bengali language cinema.
Films falling under this category also referred to as parallel or art cinema were characterized by their social realist aesthetic, smaller budgets, location shooting, absence of song and dance sequences, lesser-known actors, 30 and a naturalistic style of acting as opposed to the big budgets, elaborate sets, songs, superstars, and melodramatics of mainstream Hindi cinema. In May , the Government of India finally granted filmmaking the status of an industry, thus laying to rest one of the most frequent complaints expressed by Bombay filmmakers about the state s attitude toward their profession.
Being officially recognized by the state as an industry affords a variety of symbolic and concrete benefits ranging from reduced rates for electricity, which benefit exhibitors who currently pay higher rates than other industrial or commercial concerns, to making production companies eligible for bank and institutional finance.
Rather than perceiving it as a vice, the Indian state, since the late s, perceives commercial filmmaking as a viable, important, legitimate economic activity that should be nurtured and supported. There are a number of reasons for the Indian state s changing attitude toward filmmaking. Organized crime has always played a financial role in filmmaking: profits from World War II black-marketeering were invested in the Hindi film industry, and since , a few high profile murders of members of the Bombay industry attributed to gang lords brought these connections into the national and international media spotlight.
The intersection of neo-liberal economic rhetoric with the rise of cultural nationalist politics signified by the Hindu nationalist and probusiness Bharatiya Janata Party BJP is another important factor in the state s shifting attitudes toward the Hindi film industry. It is no surprise that it was a BJP government that granted industry status since the party s support base is heavily drawn from petty traders and small businessmen who also comprise the vast distribution, exhibition, and finance apparatus for Hindi filmmaking.
Since the mid- s Hindi films have been populated with wealthy families, Hindu rituals, and elaborate weddings presenting a nostalgic vision of Indian culture and family values that does not challenge the BJP s own cultural rhetoric. It was also the same BJP government that conducted nuclear tests in the Rajasthan desert, confirming the world s suspicions that India possessed the ability to build nuclear weapons.
Interestingly, the nuclear tests were carried out during the same week as the announcement of industry status for filmmaking Ganti The fact that Hindi cinema and its surrounding pop culture of music and magazines are so popular in other parts of South Asia like Pakistan and Bangladesh reinforce the Indian state s representation of itself as the regional power or hegemon in South Asia. While Pakistan and Bangladesh both ban film imports from India, there is a thriving piracy and video culture and Pakistani newspapers are filled with statements about the influence of Hindi films and Indian television.
The popularity of Hindi cinema is articulated by the Indian press and the state as a manifestation of India s soft power within the region. That the Australian, British, Canadian, Italian, Swiss, and other Western governments are trying to entice Hindi filmmakers to shoot in their countries, can be perceived as reversing the typical First World Third World economic relationship which has defined India s status in the world system since independence. In the age of globalization media has taken on new importance as a symbol of the nation and cultural identity in India.
Unlike the s, where debates centered on whether film could ever be an authentic, indigenous cultural form, since the late s, cinema is being touted as part of India s cultural heritage. This coupled with the increased circulation and successes of Hindi films outside India are factors that are also leading to changes in the state s attitudes about filmmaking. Though India has been exporting films from the s, film exports are now seen as a potential gold mine of foreign exchange earnings.
The Bombay industry is highly decentralized, financed primarily by entrepreneurial capital, organized along social and kin networks, and governed mainly by oral rather than written contracts. This chapter explains the fundamentals of the structure of the Bombay film industry, its systems of financing and distribution, the basics of the production process, the practice of adapting Hollywood films, and the significance of music to Hindi cinema and the Bombay film industry.
Since , some changes in the financing and distribution structure have begun in response to the increasing significance of satellite television and the government s granting of industry status in These changes will be discussed briefly at the end of the chapter. The industry comprises independent producers, distributors, financiers, exhibitors, and independent audio companies. All three sectors of the film industry are run by family firms, which is the dominant characteristic of business activity in India.
The production sector of the industry is primarily made up of individual production companies, referred to as banners, which were started by actors or directors who subsequently became producers. During the silent era, producers negotiated directly with exhibitors, but the coming of sound witnessed the emergence of the distributor as a mediating agent between producers and exhibitors, leading to a particular feature of Indian filmmaking the dominance of the independent distributor and distribution system.
There are hundreds of distributors throughout India and the world whose important economic role within the film industry will be discussed below. The industry is neither vertically nor horizontally integrated in the manner of the major Hollywood studios or multinational entertainment conglomerates.
Studios within the Indian context are merely shooting spaces and not production and distribution concerns. Though there has been a move toward integration and points of convergence some stars have ventured into production and distribution, some audio companies into production, some producers into distribution, and some distributors into exhibition, these instances are not systemic and do not preclude others from entering the business.
Essentially, the industry is a very diffuse and chaotic place where anyone with large sums of money and the right contacts can make a film. Although both the Western and Indian press use the metaphors of factories and assembly-line production to characterize the Bombay film industry, i.
Each Hindi film is made by a team of people who operate as independent contractors or free- 66 0 0 0 lancers and work together on a particular project rather than being permanent employees of a particular production company. Films are often financed simply on the basis of a star-cast, the germ of a story idea, and a director s reputation.
The lack of a well-defined division of labor among the principle players means that most people play multiple roles, so the industry is filled with people who are both producers and directors, writers and directors, editors and directors, actors and producers, actors and writers, or even a combination of actor-director-producer. Power resides in the stars, directors, and producers. The industry contains very few non-value-added people such as executives, lawyers, agents, professional managers, i.
There are also no intermediaries such as casting agents, talent scouts, or agencies like ICA and William Morris. While the Hindi film industry is very diverse in terms of the linguistic, regional, religious, and caste origins and identities of its members, what is striking is the intensification of kinship networks within the contemporary industry.
These networks provide a source of personnel, a site for training, and a form of organization for the film industry. Though many of the producers, directors, and stars, age 40 or older, within the contemporary industry had no family connections when they first started their careers, their children, nephews, and nieces are taking up the family business with a passion. While there are other means of trying to enter the industry through professional training institutions such as the National School of Drama or the Film and Television Institute of India FTII , the latter provides a pool of technical skill for the industry, in the realm of acting and increasingly directing , the dominant method is through kin and social networks.
With most film people marrying other film people and with their children entering the industry, the Bombay film industry appears to be literally reproducing itself. The extremely personalized nature of the film industry obviously creates barriers for those individuals who have no kin or social connections within the industry.
This reliance on chance can render both men and women even more vulnerable to exploitation in what is already an exploitative world. More significantly, the excessive reliance on chance means that when outsiders do manage to get a break and succeed, their stories, which are aberrations, are touted as the norm and become a way for the industry to present itself as a place where anyone with talent will always succeed. Systems of finance and distribution The finance capital for filmmaking in India is connected to the vast unofficial or black economy which some scholars estimate is nearly half the size of the official economy.
One of the results of the high rates of taxation in India is the creation of a parallel economy with high amounts of unregulated economic activity mainly cash transactions and large sums of unreported and thus untaxed income, commonly referred to as black money. The Bombay film industry is one of the main places to invest unreported income in India.
There is an established network of financiers for filmmaking, and their numbers ebb and flow depending on current economic conditions. They have made money in a variety of other fields such as construction, jewelry, diamond trading, real estate, manufacturing, as well as organized crime. Producers borrow money at monthly rates of interest of 3 4 percent, which works out to an extortionary percent per year. The nature of finance means that the majority of financial transactions and business dealings in the film industry are in cash where the accounting is highly secretive and most contracts are oral.
Though most films fail at the box-office and the Bombay 68 0 0 industry constantly represents itself as being in a state of financial crisis, it is sustained by new infusions of capital from people within India and abroad who are drawn by the glamour and potential for colossal profit if a film is successful, it can double, triple, even quadruple one s investment. Budgets for Hindi films presently range from 5 million rupees for low-budget ventures to million rupees for glitzy, starstudded action extravaganzas or song and dance spectacles.
Top male stars in the Bombay film industry currently earn between 0 30 million rupees per film, while the leading female stars earn between 8 5 million. Thus the salaries of the male and female leads in the film could easily amount to percent of a film s budget. Table 2. In order to gain a perspective on how wealthy film stars are and how much money goes into filmmaking, one must bear in mind that the per capita income in India in was 23,78 rupees World Bank As mentioned earlier, production and distribution are not integrated in the Bombay film industry, and Hindi films are distributed throughout India and the world by a decentralized network of independent distributors.
TABLE 2. The five territories in India are divided into 4 sub-territories, which may be further divided. With the exception of the Rajshri Group which distributes Hindi films throughout India, all other distribution concerns are specific to a territory or a sub-territory.
Hindi film producers finance their films primarily through the sale of theatrical distribution rights to their films. Producers start trying to sell the distribution rights of their film from the moment it is launched or its particulars announced at a ritual known as the mahurat. Distributors bid for and buy the rights to distribute a film for 5 0 years in their particular territory, usually while the film is under production.
Distributors also raise money through the alternative capital markets mentioned above, as well as by subdividing their territories and selling off rights, and by receiving advances from exhibitors. There are three main types of distribution arrangements: outright sale, commission basis, and minimum guarantee.
When distributors buy a film on an outright basis, they pay the producer for the right to distribute a film for a certain amount of time. All expenses incurred in the distribution of the film as well as all income earned are solely the distributors. Not a very common practice in India, outright sale was the most common arrangement for overseas distribution until the late s. When a film is distributed on a commission basis, distributors bear the least amount of risk because the most they may invest in a film are in its publicity and print costs.
Distributors deduct a certain percentage 25 50 percent of boxoffice receipts as a commission and remit the rest to the producer. Indian film distribution territories 0 guarantees the producer a specific sum which is disbursed in installments from the onset of production. Distributors normally pay percent of the contracted amount during the production phase and the remainder on delivery of prints. When a film is released, distributors pay for the print and publicity costs as well as theater rental.
After distributors cover their costs rights, prints, publicity, theater rental and take their 25 percent commission, any remaining box-office collections are shared equally with the producer. In such a system, distributors bear the majority of the risk since the producer is guaranteed a certain price for the rights. Producers with clout price their films in order to make a profit, as there is such high uncertainty about the box-office success of any film.
Even though the minimum guarantee system ostensibly accrues profits for producers once there is an overflow the term used for the remainder of box-office revenues after distributors cover their cost and earn their commission the chance of one s film generating an overflow is only between 0 5 percent. The other factor in producers pricing decisions is that they cannot trust distributors to share the overflow since distributors frequently use the revenues from successful films to cover their losses from unsuccessful films.
Such a scenario is a consequence of the absence of a transparent system of data collection, especially when distributors are based far from Bombay. In addition to dividing India into territories and sub-territories, the distribution network also subdivides each territory by revenueearning potential into A-, B-, and C-class centers.
A-class centers are generally more populated cities and large towns with more cinemas and thus generate the largest revenues for the distributor. Another defining feature of an A-class center is the ability to fully collect revenues, for producers and distributors frequently comment that once their films are in B- or C-class centers, which include touring cinemas, they have no means of accurately tracking a film s earnings.
In practice, such a division means that films are first released in A-class centers to garner their full commercial potential after which they slowly make their way to B- and C-class centers. Before the advent of video and its concomitant, piracy, Hindi films were not released in all of the major cities simultaneously.
The simultaneous release of films in A-class centers is to thwart the problems of video and cable piracy in the higher revenue centers. Piracy is an even greater problem for distributors in smaller centers since there is a time lag between when a film is released in an A-class center and its screening in a B- or C-class center by which time a pirated print of the film may have been aired extensively on the local cable channel.
Since the number of prints released per Hindi film in India is anywhere between prints for a big-budget, much anticipated film, the simultaneity of the film-viewing experience in a movie theater is limited to audiences in A-class centers, which also include overseas audiences in cities such as New York, Toronto, London, and Dubai.
The small number of prints in comparison to Hollywood is misleading because the seating capacities of movie theaters in India are much larger than the U. However, in areas with unexpected audiences ones that distributors in India are unaware of like parts of Africa without South Asian communities, contemporary films may make their way slowly.
The trade evaluates commercial success from the distributor s point of view; a film is categorized as a hit only when distributors earn a profit. Since nearly all of the revenues from a first-run film are from its domestic theatrical release, enticing audiences into movie theaters is seen by the industry as a gargantuan task. Rather than emerging from any formal pre-release market research, these assumptions are based mainly on observations of the commercial outcome of films.
Hits and flops are the primary way that Hindi filmmakers relate to their audiences. Commercial success or failure is interpreted by filmmakers as an accurate barometer of social attitudes, norms, and sensibilities, thus providing the basis for their knowledge about audiences Ganti
These rare subtypes were perhaps considered "complicated" in the past. These symptoms include: Visual symptoms: Seeing bright spots or zigzag lights Sensory symptoms: Numbness or tingling that develops on one side of the face or spreads down one arm Speech symptoms: Trouble finding words or slurring your words Hemiplegic Migraine Hemiplegic migraine is a rare, quite dramatic subtype of migraine with aura.
It may have been considered "complicated" because its aura consists of weakness on one side of the body. This weakness usually lasts less than 72 hours but may persist for weeks in some patients. Besides weakness, people with hemiplegic migraine also tend to experience typical aura symptoms e.
Migraine With Brain Stem Aura Migraine with brain stem aura MBA —previously known as basilar-type migraine—may have been considered "complicated" because its aura symptoms are unusual and can last for several hours, even days, in some patients. Symptoms include: Vertigo , or a spinning sensation Tinnitus ringing in the ears Oversensitivity to sound Weakness and numbness on both sides of the body Fainting or loss of consciousness Causes A typical migraine with aura is caused by a phenomenon called cortical spreading depression CSD.
What Is CSD? With CSD, waves of altered brain activity spread throughout the brain cortex resulting in changes in nerve cell responses and blood flow. In addition, various genetic mutations changes in DNA sequence have been linked to hemiplegic migraine.
Depending on how these genetic mutations are obtained, hemiplegic migraine is further divided into two different types, as follows: Familial hemiplegic migraine is inherited, which means that any genetic mutations are passed down in family members. Sporadic hemiplegic migraine is less common and is not inherited, which means that the genetic mutations occur randomly.
Migraine With Brain Stem Aura Migraine with brain stem aura involves at least two symptoms that originate within the brain stem e. Interestingly, despite its previous name, there is no evidence that the basilar artery located at the base of the skull is involved in this unique type of migraine. Diagnosis To diagnose any type of migraine, a neurologist a doctor who specializes in disorders of the nervous system will take a detailed medical and family history and perform a neurological exam.
If the neurological exam is abnormal, an electroencephalogram EEG electrodes detect brain activity and imaging tests, notably magnetic resonance imaging MRI of the brain and its blood vessels, will also usually be performed. Sufferers typically get prescription drugs for pain and to prevent migraines. After six hours, 79 percent of patients reported little or no pain. Each tablet of Excedrin Migraine contains milligrams of acetaminophen, mg of aspirin and 65 mg of caffeine.
Caffeine helps constrict blood vessels that are one source of migraine pain. The recommended dose is two tablets at the first sign of migraine, repeated every six hours as needed. Excedrin may be nonprescription, but it comes with some warnings, said Dr.
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