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Hence, public space becomes a home, a place where homeless people tend to settle, more or less temporarily. It is a place where everyday life can be managed and a place where survival resources can be found. Private and public life cannot be separated: both are located in the public space. In particular, in the course of our research into the use of inner city spaces we have discovered a whole world belonging to homeless people with its own spaces, rhythms, times, relationships and survival strategies.

Settling in the city centre shows us that homeless people rationally choose spaces that can help them to survive. Living on the streets forces the homeless to make choices continuously, as anyone would do in their daily life.

The reality of living on the street defines the choices of the homeless person and affects every moment of his day and his entire life. As a consequence, these people are deprived of their former identity; their life on the street shapes a new one. Hence, urban public space is not only the place where they spend most of their day, but it is also a mechanism which contributes towards shaping a new identity.

Let us consider, for example, two of the most important survival strategies of the homeless: sleeping and money making. The arcades and the corners of the narrow streets are attractive because they can be easily transformed into temporary beds, assuring not only protection from bad weather but also a certain sense of privacy. Furthermore, some homeless people also tend to occupy a specific space, marking the territory with visible signs, in particular piles of broken-down boxes.

The possibility of creating this sort of stability, though, depends on the attitudes and tolerance of the residents of the areas where those spaces are created. The only way to settle permanently is to find a way of becoming invisible. The homeless tend, for the most part, to clean up their temporary private spaces before other citizens pass by. In the second place, the high fruition of Bologna's central area also guarantees the possibility of collecting money. Homeless people dedicate their time to a whole range of activities, like begging, cleaning the streets or selling newspapers.

For the homeless a railway station is not necessarily a place connected to transport; rather, it is a place where they spend their everyday life, using services such as waiting rooms. To a certain degree, railway stations can even be considered their private space. In order to survive the homeless make use of all the resources that public urban space has to offer.

The railway station is a place where they are able to wash, find shelter and sleep in relative safety. Other important spaces in the daily life of the homeless are church entrances where they can ask for money, fruit and vegetable markets or nearby garbage cans where they might find something to eat, betting shops or bars where they can warm themselves up for a while against the cold.

In other words, public space is the only place open to the homeless for finding the resources they need for living: what we see is a modification of the urban space, which the homeless adjust for their own needs. This is an important point: the homeless are always considered people who are not able to implement any strategy, but they really do so in this case. We can say that the homeless are constantly developing tactics, strategies and means of mediation in order to survive and secure territory.

The living condition of the homeless forces them constantly to look for resources. Consequently some regular behaviours can be observed amongst the homeless: meeting other homeless people, finding something in the garbage, looking for money, looking for a place for the night and begging. They break the rules of dignity, privacy and social distance. Such conflict with the unwritten rules of public space creates a sense of disorder and uncertainty.

In fact, conflicts in urban public space arise when unwritten codes of conduct, in particular rules of quality, security, decorum, civility, are broken by certain groups of people: teenagers drinking in a plaza, homeless sleeping on a bench, youngsters skateboarding.

The new image of the city centre 15Urban public space over the past two decades has experienced great change. Consider, for example, processes of fortification, such as the development of gated communities in suburban landscape, and privatization of public space, which detracts public urban ground from those with no buying power: shopping malls are the most obvious example but in Bologna's inner city even the chairs of many bars are increasingly invading squares, streets, arcades and parks.

Or again, consider gentrification processes, pervasive surveillance and the presence of visible patrols in the streets, all of which are more and more frequent in Italian cities. Such changes, in turn, mirror the apparently legitimate uses and users of public space.

Such projects are aimed at conferring to the city a positive, innovative and desirable image which must be capable of facing the growing competition among cities, attracting new business, services and consumers. Important characteristics become, amongst others, competitiveness, beauty, safety, usability. In particular, the control of public space is a fundamental strategy of neoliberalism Low, Smith , In this sense, the entrepreneurial or neoliberal city is a strongly controlled and exclusionary one.

In fact, such renewed spaces represents a battleground, where interests, life styles, values and norms of city users and residents clash with those of the homeless, for whom public space is inevitably their private space as well. Such improper use of public space nourishes conflicts with the rest of the public. In order to cope with these urban conflicts, more and more cities are adopting traditional and new control measures, to which homeless people necessarily have to adapt.

If the homeless are able to react to the spatial and political limitations they encounter in their daily struggle to survive Snow, Mulcahy , indeed those measures influence their every day life, in terms of available spaces and actions. Such strategies, based on strong economic forces and on the current debate on unsafety, fear of others and disorder, transform the social and physical morphology of central public spaces and define who can use public space and how.

Specifically, urban renewal projects borrow some of the typical features of suburban settlements and shopping malls Aurigi, Graham , First, the relaunching of the inner city is influenced by the need for promotion and publicity.

Second, the need for security and safety becomes central. The primary necessity is, in fact, that of purifying, physically and socially, the urban landscape, in order to reassure ordinary citizens and commercialists. Specifically, homeless people appear to be out of place. The city centre is modelled to respond to the interests of economic activities and of the well-being classes, at the expense of the weaker and disadvantaged, through the disciplining of urban space which includes a fusion of control architecture, exclusivist design and punitive policies, aimed at fostering partial views of who is considered part of the legitimate public and of how a public space should be used Mitchell However, circumstances have changed.

The inner area of this city has experienced and is experiencing great changes with the implementation of renewal projects focused on the relaunching of the city's image. This square is famous for the diversity of its local user population students, homeless people, immigrants, gutter punks, city users, shopkeepers and holds a negative reputation, due to the concentration of a diverse range of incivilities carried out there.

This not only makes homeless visibility become a problem, but also leads to a socio-spatial reorganization which has an effect on the social fabric, weakening it, which, paradoxically, is compatible with the need for anonymity and a low social control of the rootless urban poor.

Physically, it is a city full of arcades, politically, its context is marked deeply by liberal ideologies, culturally, it is based on a welfare culture with a major openness towards the marginal groups and socially, where the existence of the oldest university in Europe means a massive number of students and a certain social organization. All of these particular features tend to contribute to the creation of less mean and hostile streets and a minor level of exclusion of homeless people from public spaces than in other cities.

The control of public space 25Even if what has been widely described and analysed for the Unites States on the control of urban homeless Mitchell , , ; Davis ; Wacquant does not apply equally to the trends of urban policing observed in European cities in general and Italian in particular, there are some important similarities. Referring to Italy, consider the following examples: the spread of panoptic shopping malls; types of gated communities, such as the Meridiana of Bologna Mantovani and the Pineta di Arenzano district in Genoa Porcu ; the pervasive surveillance under which every city in Italy is placed; the visible patrol officers, with both the public and the private sector providing security; spaces of mobility, such as railway stations, transformed under progressive privatization processes into shopping areas in Bologna, Naples, Milan and many other cities ; some examples of zero tolerance policies put forward recently by the Mayor of Salerno, Vincenzo De Luca, who ordered the Municipal Police to adopt zero tolerance against gypsies and homeless people , or by Tosi in Verona, where offering a drink or something to eat to a homeless person could mean paying a fine of 25 to euros In short, European cities, due to their political, cultural and social background, seem to follow a European model of control and regulation of public space based on a less punitive and less pervasive approach than in American cities.

Another important feature which marks the European reality is that the homeless are rarely the main and explicit target of these control measures; rather, in many European countries the most prominent target group are immigrants. Two relevant aspects at the basis of this new urban policy aimed at securing and sanitizing public spaces are the increasing sense of unsafety felt by citizens and the process of mercification which invests urban public space from the suburban territory gated communities, shopping malls, etc.

The former, only partially related to crime rates, is linked to, among other things, a whole range of sentiments of unease and to a distrust in the environment. Sleeping on the streets or benches, begging, drinking, washing in fountains or other forms of disturbing behaviour make public urban environment unpleasant, hostile and dangerous. As a consequence, the demand for security grows and leads to a real transformation of the city.

Together, the two dimensions nourish and legitimize the formation of architectural and political measures to control public space, its use and its users. Homeless people are labelled as being contagious, inferior, deserving of regulations which are presented as attempts to protect the wider public. In particular, starting from Miller's analysis, Amster , examines one by one the justifications at the basis of this new urban governance.

Briefly: protection of public health and safety; economics; aesthetics; civility; crime prevention. Such practices seem to determine the legitimate and appropriate users and uses of public spaces, or at least of those spaces that are characterized by a high fruition and oriented to consumption, where order, control, civility and decorum must be protected at all costs.

Urban furniture as a tool to control public space 33In this section we discuss the adoption of material strategies, in the form of new urban furniture, being used by civic authorities to exclude the homeless from the use of public space. The term urban furniture includes the objects and the devices installed in urban landscape, thus in the streets and in the parks, for different purposes, such as benches, safety barriers, traffic divider culumns, postboxes, telephone boxes, lampposts, traffic lights, traffic signals, bus and tram stops, public toilets, fountains, garbage bins.

An interesting European project is the one carried out by the French artists collective called Survival Group www. In particular, Arnaud Elfort e Guillame Schaller have made a photographic inventory of these kinds of hostile public spaces. Traditional benches, the ones on which it was possible to sleep, seem to be a relic of the past.

Nevertheless the model complexity leads us to study a simplified model introduced by Dixon and Robinson from which we are able to derive closed formulas and simulate prices that we compare to market prices. We remark that implicit calibration gives pretty goof fit of market data. Third chapter developps the approach of Levitt [Lev04] on price formation in binary betting market held by a monopolistic market-maker operating in a one time step trading. We generalize Levitt results with european format of betting.

We show that prices are distorded on the pressure of demand and offer, that phenomena introducing a market probability that allows to price products under this new measure. We identify some best model for demand and offer and market maker strategy and show that probability change is obvious in case of imperfect information about the value of the product.

Fourth chapter generalizes this approach to the case of general payoffs and continuous time. The task is more complex and we just derive partial derivative equations from dynamic programming that enable us to give the bid-ask prices of the product traded by the market-maker.

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