Discrimination between men and women in the workplace

Differences by education Among employed women, the share saying they have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace is roughly similar across racial and ethnic, educational, generational and partisan lines. But when it comes to specific forms of workplace discrimination tested in the survey, there are significant differences among women that are rooted mainly in their level of education. And in some regards, the most highly educated women stand out. The pattern is similar when it comes to being passed over for promotions and feeling isolated at work.

But overall, women with higher family incomes are about equally likely to have experienced at least one of these eight forms of gender-based discrimination at work. There are differences by race and ethnicity as well. These party differences hold up even after controlling for race. The partisan gap is in keeping with wide party differences among both men and women in their views of gender equality in the U. Educated women were scarce. Fewer than 2 percent of all to year-olds were enrolled in an institution of higher education, and just one-third of those were women.

Such women did not have to perform manual labor, but their choices were likewise constrained. Despite the widespread sentiment against women, particularly married women, working outside the home and with the limited opportunities available to them, women did enter the labor force in greater numbers over this period, with participation rates reaching nearly 50 percent for single women by and nearly 12 percent for married women.

By , 50 percent of single women and 40 percent of married women were participating in the labor force. Several factors contributed to this rise. First, with the advent of mass high school education, graduation rates rose substantially. At the same time, new technologies contributed to an increased demand for clerical workers, and these jobs were increasingly taken on by women.

Moreover, because these jobs tended to be cleaner and safer, the stigma attached to work for a married woman diminished. And while there were still marriage bars that forced women out of the labor force, these formal barriers were gradually removed over the period following World War II. Women working at the U.

Capitol switchboard, Washington, D. Library of Congress Over the decades from to , increasing opportunities also arose for highly educated women. As time progressed, attitudes about women working and their employment prospects changed. As women gained experience in the labor force, they increasingly saw that they could balance work and family. A new model of the two-income family emerged. Some women began to attend college and graduate school with the expectation of working, whether or not they planned to marry and have families.

In the period after World War II, many women had not expected that they would spend as much of their adult lives working as turned out to be the case. By contrast, in the s young women more commonly expected that they would spend a substantial portion of their lives in the labor force, and they prepared for it, increasing their educational attainment and taking courses and college majors that better equipped them for careers as opposed to just jobs.

These changes in attitudes and expectations were supported by other changes under way in society. Workplace protections were enhanced through the passage of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act in and the recognition of sexual harassment in the workplace. Access to birth control increased, which allowed married couples greater control over the size of their families and young women the ability to delay marriage and to plan children around their educational and work choices.

And in , women gained, for the first time, the right to apply for credit in their own name without a male co-signer. By the early s, the labor force participation rate of prime working-age women—those between the ages of 25 and 54—reached just over 74 percent, compared with roughly 93 percent for prime working-age men. By then, the share of women going into the traditional fields of teaching, nursing, social work, and clerical work declined, and more women were becoming doctors, lawyers, managers, and professors.

As women increased their education and joined industries and occupations formerly dominated by men, the gap in earnings between women and men began to close significantly. Remaining challenges and some possible solutions We, as a country, have reaped great benefits from the increasing role that women have played in the economy. The participation rate for prime working-age women peaked in the late s and currently stands at about 76 percent.

Of course, women, particularly those with lower levels of education, have been affected by the same economic forces that have been pushing down participation among men, including technical change and globalization. Recent research has shown that although women now enter professional schools in numbers nearly equal to men, they are still substantially less likely to reach the highest echelons of their professions. The gap in earnings between men and women has narrowed substantially, but progress has slowed lately, and women working full time still earn about 17 percent less than men, on average, each week.

Even when we compare men and women in the same or similar occupations who appear nearly identical in background and experience, a gap of about 10 percent typically remains. Even in my own field of economics, women constitute only about one-third of Ph. This lack of success in climbing the professional ladder would seem to explain why the wage gap actually remains largest for those at the top of the earnings distribution.

One of the primary factors contributing to the failure of these highly skilled women to reach the tops of their professions and earn equal pay is that top jobs in fields such as law and business require longer workweeks and penalize taking time off.

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